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Whatever
A couple of posts this week that caught my interest - one by Amba here (suggesting that "Ron Paul is the Dennis Kucinich of the Republican Party") and another by Michael van der Galien posting at TMV, here (wondering why Ron Paul isn't taken more seriously as a candidate, to which the obvious answer is, IMO, because he isn't a serious candidate). I think it's worth reiterating the points here.
Amba's suggestion made me think back to Hayek, who so completely destroyed the concept of a left-right political spectrum that the ongoing vitality of that scale sixty years later mystifies me. The meaningful distinction, thought Hayek, was between the liberals and the planners, and both the so-called socialists and the so-called fascists turned out to be identical when viewed through this lens, despite their superficial distinctions.1 Cf. this recent post by Ilya Somin. Evaluating the political landscape from Hayek's standpoint, we might posit an alternative spectrum, running not from left (socialism) to right (fascism), as usually conceived, but between authoritarian pole and a libertarian pole. Onto this scale we fit fascism, socialism and modern American liberalism somewhere between the authoritarian pole and the center, and the GOP pitches a broad tent that stops somewhere short of the pure libertarian pole and overlaps the center somewhat (it cannot be gainsaid that there are authoritarian elements in the GOP, especially among social conservatives).
Libertarianism, like jurisdiction, "is a word of many, too many, meanings," but having posited a scale where libertarianism is less of a discrete position than a continuum on which many diverse and distinct positions may be sited, each to an extent describable as "libertarian," we can easily see how many people consider themselves to be libertarians to a greater or lesser extent, or at least as being influenced by libertarianism, despite holding very much distinct views. The term is capacious enough to embrace any position closer on the continuum to the pole of pure libertarianism (however that may be defined) than that of authoritarianism. We might say that people who call themselves libertarians as a discreet group are simply those who are closer than a pre-defined distance to the pole, but to some extent, for anyone to the right of the median between the authoritarian-libertarian pole, one might paraphrase Sir William Harcourt and say that "we are all libertarians now."
Even me -- to an extent. Regular readers may not be too surprised by that, knowing that I take federalism pretty seriously. But federalism isn't an expression of libertarianism; it isn't a view of what government can morally do, but rather, an expression of which government can legally do what under Our Federalism. My views on federalism are primarily driven by a belief in the incumbency that's on me to preserve and defend the Constitution of the United States, rather than any particular normative preference. Nevertheless, I do consider myself a small government federalist; to paraphrase Easterbrook, you will find me flocking on the boundary betwixt the libertarian and conservative wings of the Federalist Society. I think libertarianism’s “‘good stuff to cut conservatism with, each tending to curb the other’s worst impulses,’ but [as Althouse put it,] ‘[t]here is something incredibly obtuse about the libertarian view, something that misses the reality of human life and that is very wedded to a stark abstraction. In pure form, it is repellent’” - and (Burkeian) conservatism is skeptical of any abstract sociopolitical theory precisely because it’s abstract. "By professing unconcern for practical reality and a pure, unalloyed love for an idea, one loses control over outcomes and argues unwittingly for bad results ... [T]here is something unprincipled about embracing an abstraction and taking it to its logical limit, without the stabilizing effect of considering policy implications." Althouse, The Humble and the Treasonous: Judge-Made Jurisdiction Law, 40 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 1035, 1039-40 (1990).
Coming back to our scale, posited above, the reader should know that I am far closer to the libertarian pole than the authoritarian pole - that is, closer to liberalism (as Hayek used the term) than planning. And I would say that I'm sufficiently so as to be quite out of the mainstream myself. As we tack back towards the subject Ron Paul, it's important to emphasize that I’m very much sympathetic to the idea that the state should generally "intervene minimally (and [particularly] that the federal government should use as light a touch as possible and only ever as heavy a touch as is constitutionally permissible)." But that's a far cry from saying that "government" - in the abstract and assuming it operates within the boundaries of its Constitutional authority - lacks any moral authority to interfere with free choice, and on genuinely exceptional issues, questions of outstanding moral exigency, government can even validly abridge personal autonomy in the most direct ways - banning abortion, for example, or breaking the back of endemic and entrenched discrimination (i.e. the Civil Rights Act). I don’t think America wants a President who’s opposed to the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act, but if you take Paul’s expressed views on the limits of federal power seriously, that’s where he stands.
Simply put, Ron Paul’s vision is too close to the pole, too extreme for me. Having stressed that I'm close enough to the libertarian pole myself to be out of the mainstream, I'm here to tell you that Paul is so far out of the mainstream that he's practically aground on the far bank. His vision is of not merely limited but outright emasculated government; I'm with Grover Norquist so far as starving the beast is concerned, but he's on his own on the drowning it in the bathtub part. Moreover, I find mildly offensive the idea that Paul and his more aggressive supporters -- an idea also promoted to some extent as I see it, by Randy Barnett among others -- that the Constitution requires rather than merely permits and accommodates that vision; consciously twisting the Constitution to demand one’s preferred policy outcome is the sin of modern liberalism, and it’s one I hope will find little traction among conservatives.2
One thing that's unavoidable is that, as Michael's post notes, the Paulistas have fervor for their candidate; "Most Republicans are lukewarm about every candidate, including the candidate they support. The only one who’s truly different in that regard is Paul." Why is this so? I think that Paul has captured significant support for two reasons.
The first is that he is the only candidate opposed to the war. That subject provokes strong feelings in many people; for those Republicans who either opposed to the war ab initio or have since come to, Paul is the obvious candidate. The more strongly the voter feels about the war, the more likely they will be to set aside (or more likely, subconsciously gloss over) other areas - instantly seen as less important - where they disagree with him.
The other is that Paul is the candidate who talks most directly about limiting government and government spending, and you have to remember that a lot of Republicans - I'm one of them, and would go so far as to say most - are sickened by the behavior of a putatively Republican government whose attitude towards government spending between 2002 and 2006 was to fiscal conservatism what the Roman orgy was to prudery. Not only sickened, but repelled - and in repulse, in reaction to the betrayal by elected leaders, are perhaps embracing a candidate who is also sickened by that behavior under the rubric of "any port in a storm." This might perhaps lead them to accept a berthing they would in other times be hesitant of. I think the Paulistas - those who weren’t already hardcore libertarians, that is, which is the core of it - have been so carried away with a candidate who talks about limiting government that they haven’t paused to consider just how much Ron Paul would limit government.
For all these reasons, Ron Paul isn't a candidate I can support in the primaries, but there is one even better reason, and that is precisely because he's so far outside of the mainstream. Another commenter to Michael's post asked "[w]ho said that [being in] the 'mainstream' is anything to be proud of?" And I quite agree: there is no particular reason why one ought to aspire to be in the mainstream; I'm outside of it myself. But unlike Paul, I'm not seeking elected office, and I don't think that nominating an unelectable candidate is a particularly smart electoral strategy for the Republican Party to adopt.
Post facto:
Paul, redux (11/6/07)
"Does he love liberty? Or does he merely loathe the federal government?" (12/27/07)
Spanners in the works (5/12/08)
Nationalizing election mechanics? (11/12/08) (followed)
a stark dichotomy between economic freedoms and civil rights does not exist. Human liberties of various types are dependent on one another.... I know no society, today or in any era of history, in which high degrees of intellectual and political freedom have flourished side by side with a high degree of state control over the relevant citizen's economic life. The free market, which presupposes relatively broad economic freedom, has historically been the cradle of broad political freedom, and in modern times the demise of economic freedom has been the grave of political freedom as well.
Scalia, Economic Affairs as Human Affairs, 4 Cato J. 703, 704 (1985).
The traditional left-right scale needs to die a grisly death...
... for among other reasons, the useless confusion it sows where somehow various bunches of socialists can end up on opposite ends of the scale.
The first place I ever heard a different idea for a political scale was an essay from Jerry Pournelle:
http://www.baen.com/chapters/axes.htm
Here's another
Here's another possibility:
http://www.politicalcompass.org/
Arguably a bit easier to understand than Pournelle's quadrants. It doesn't entirely do away with the left-right continuum; it simply modifies it.
I agree, Simon. In a
I agree, Simon.
In a perfect world the two parties would be talking about this. They would explain where they see the limits to government power, and in what legal, historical and moral context they place them. They avoid that conversation because it would highlight the nonsensical pairing of theocrat and plutocrat on the GOP side, and the pairing of quasi-communist authoritarian and classical liberal on the democratic side.
Both parties have their moderate libertarians, their weary can-we-just-get-the-job-done-and-go-home people: people and politicians primarily interested in solving actual as opposed to invented problems. But they suffer because of their refusal to buy voters' loyalty with governmental favors -- favors that range from money to moral posturing. And they are demagogued to death for their pragmatic willingness to compromise and their failure to swear allegiance on whatever nutball issue the wingers are humping at any particular time.
I suppose we could round up all the Roves and Conyers and Gingriches and Pelosis and Dobsons and Moulitsases and isolate them in an uninhabited state (perhaps Kansas) . . . but I'm pretty sure that would be over the line into unacceptable government action.
Pity.
No thanks
I suppose we could round up all the Roves and Conyers and Gingriches and Pelosis and Dobsons and Moulitsases and isolate them in an uninhabited state (perhaps Kansas) . . . but I'm pretty sure that would be over the line into unacceptable government action.
Or we could send them to a state that really enjoys subsidizing worthless human debris, like North Carolina. They could live with the street folk in Chapel Hill, since they're such an institution. They'd fit right in. Or San Francisco, where the pay cut for them in their transition to a new lifestyle would be minimal.
I figured that would bring
I figured that would bring you out swinging. Kansans are so touchy. Is it the tornados?
How did you know about our numerous street people? Are they nationally famous? I thought they were a purely local irritant.
LOL
Is it the tornados?
Nope. The threat to ship out-of-state garbage to our landfills. Use your own incinerators! ;-)
How did you know about our numerous street people? Are they nationally famous? I thought they were a purely local irritant.
CH's "current" problem with street people started long ago. But I'm sure the town council will have a new 10-yr plan any day now! It'll likely work just as well as the previous one.
Seriously, I've been through more case studies on "solving" the chronic homelessness problem than I care to recall. Researchers like using CH because it's such a pleasant place to study such things--and because the wimpy town council's continual scattershot attempts to nibble the problem to death make for good case studies of reasonable-sounding humanitarian policies not working in isolation. As with most places, your local "chronics" have the system all figured out, and game it to their maximum advantage. The more "liberal" and "socially conscious" the local governing body, the greater their advantage, the worse the problem.
I've always thought half a
I've always thought half a dozen Chicago cops could take care of the problem. And it is a problem. Downtown Chapel Hill is on the edge of commercial viability, some decent restaurants, so on -- but why would I take my wife and kids down there to be annoyed by belligerant bums?
Did you know Chapel Hill had to permanently cancel its annual street festival, the "Apple Chill" because they couldn't cope with the influx of bangers from Durham? Where's Vick Mackie when you need him? (Speaking of governmental authority.)
At least they can feel good
At least they can feel good about themselves for their enlightened and compassionate approach to the problem! :-)
The Chicago cops wouldn't help much, tempting as the thought might be. The chronics know how to find the ACLU office. If it makes you feel any better, Aspen Colorado has a homeless problem too.
Not to me.....
Well said MR
Ron Paul and the Constitution
Ron Paul does have an interpretation of the Constitution that is very restrictive. There are some issues that are debatable. Yet, the pattern in the congress does not show that debate. When Ron Paul says that certain action is unconstitutional, fellow representatives either look sheepish and say nothing or claim loudly, "But we have to do something." We can disagree with Paul on particular details and yet still agree in principle. In principle, the legality of proposed legislation is primary.
As far as his principles being more restrictive than the Constitution, well there is nothing wrong with that. There is nothing in the Constitution that requires that the government fill up all power allowed by the Constitution. It is illigal to fill it up beyond those limits, though. There is a wide range of legality. Ron Paul is a conservative, so of course, he will lean toward smaller government, even smaller than what is needed to bring it to within legality.
Thomas, I don't disagree
Thomas, I don't disagree with thatas much as you might expect. I agree with everything in the first paragraph, and I certainly agree that Congress is largely uninterested in the restrictions on its own power, which is why I've criticized the presumption of constitutionality accorded to federal legislation by the courts - adequately put, the problem with the Supeme Court adopting a presumption of constitutionality is that Congress has one too. The reader will infer similar concerns from my letter to Greg Goode, wherein I lamented the Supreme Court's willingness "to defer to the foxes in matters of guarding the henhouse in mostly all circumstances," from my several posts on the Constitutionality of giving the District of Columbia representation in Congress, and it's worth pointing out - as I'll talk about in a post sometime - one of the disagreements Pat and I have had before is that I would look for some sort of standard to limit Congressional power under the spending clause. I have a narrow vision of federal power relative to the mainstream in the Repulbican party, let alone in the country at large, and I do applaud Paul's concern even if I disagree - in scale if not in kind - with his interpretation. My beef with Paul isn't that he takes the Constitution seriously, it's that he construes it more narrowly than I think it ought to be.
I also don't disagree with you that no matter what perimeter the Constitution places around government, there is absolutely nothing wrong with believing that government should not exercise the power it possesses to the fullest, and I've approvingly quoted Justice Souter's observation that "it should go without saying that [discussing where the limit of federal power is] ... carries no implication about the wisdom of exercising [power] to the limit" (emphasis added). What irritates me isn't that he wants to limit government, or even that he thinks the government presently exceeds constitutional bounds (a point I completley agree with him on), it's the idea that the Constitution's limitations just happen to line up with people's normative preferences, and I think Paul moves the boundaries somewhat closer (and possibly a lot closer) to his normative preferences than they actually are. That he would distort by narrowing is no better than the liberals who'd distort by expanding.
"When someone says their heart needs lifting, don't ask how come, ask how high."
Simon, I agree that the traditional left-right scale is somewhat
flawed and limited, and that Hayek was onto something when he pointed out that authoritarian socialists and authoritarian fascists at the end of the day, meet in the same place, but I find this statement somewhat dubious:
Onto this scale we fit fascism, socialism and modern American liberalism somewhere between the authoritarian pole and the center, and the GOP pitches a broad tent that stops somewhere short of the pure libertarian pole and overlaps the center somewhat (it cannot be gainsaid that there are authoritarian elements in the GOP, especially among social conservatives).
I have a real problem including modern American liberalism among the authoritarian wing of the spectrum. I find that ridiculous. Keep in mind that I'm referring to authentic liberalism, and not the impostor variants that certain so-called "progressives" embrace today. I also think you somewhat understate the authoritarian impulses on the GOP.
As to Ron Paul himself, I find his views hopelessly out of the mainstream, and out of the bounds of acceptability. Grover Norquist wants to drown the government in a tub, but Paul goes even further (I can't think of a witty way to extend the metaphor). Like Kucinich, his views are pure lunacy, but it cannot be gainsaid :) that he does have a strong following amongst his cult-like supporters :), and one almost has to respect his consistency.
"In the world you will find tribulation, but be of good cheer, for I have overcome the world."
John 16:33
Uni-dimensional scaling will
Uni-dimensional scaling will ALWAYS produce misleading and downright disfunctional results. People use single-scale descriptions because they want to fit things into neat categories for convenience. Problem being that people are complex sentient organic critters, not composed of either/or logic switches.
Or, for a briefer but more obscure take, man is not a rational animal, but a rationalizing animal.
Self-government v religious authoritarianism
Can't say our Founding Fathers advocated irrational public debate.
Why rationality must precede the empirical.
And just when you think that uni-dimensionalism seems to apply....
Federalism
Personally, I think that much of your commentary is based on confusions, but since I don't care to author a book in response, let's just discuss one point. You state:
"Regular readers may not be too surprised by that, knowing that I take federalism pretty seriously. But federalism isn't an expression of libertarianism; it isn't a view of what government can morally do, but rather, an expression of which government can legally do what under Our Federalism."
First of all, not all forms of libertarianism, indeed, not most forms of libertarianism, are morally based. Most have to do with economic theory or the theory of how far you can turn government loose to do good before you end up in a tyranny.
Second, some libertarians, even some, gasp, anarchists, also take "federalism pretty seriously." Proudhon wrote a book on the subject.
Third, [or is it just an extension of the second point?], federalism isn't limited to what "government can legally do ... under Our Federalism." Federalism is both one of the traditional meanings of "freedom" and a traditional strategy for preserving freedom. The notion is a simple one best illustrated in contemporary times by the Swiss canton system. You and your friends can associate with one another in a particular locality, be as socially oppressive or libertarian as you may want, and still form a "higher level" and much more limited union with other localities [each with their own internal systems] for purposes of common defense, preserving a free trade area, etc.
You may have heard of this idea in another incarnation - the pre-Civil War United States. A great deal of what substantive freedom meant in the early U.S. had little to do with abstract bills of rights [which, in any case, were unevenly inforced] and a lot to do with the fact that the states were in theory and practice sovereigns and localities were in practice [if not in theory] pretty near to sovereign. Hence, you could have "utopian communities" like the Shakers and no one else much cared unless they were attacked by Canadians.
Ron's answer
When asked at the last debate about his call to dissolve the CIA, FISA, FDA, IRS etc. he refused to answer and talked about how the CIA blew 9/11. Again, no answer. What kind of Libertarian is that?
P.S. my former links above highlighted the problems of using uni-dimensional scales applied to rationalism and Religion v Secularism.
I first heard about the supposed left/right dichotomy
when I was in my very early teens. At the same time I was asked to swallow the idea that Stalin and Hitler were situated on opposite ends of the spectrum. That I found positively astonishing. I couldn't see much useful difference between the two, except that they targeted different groups of people when they weren't killing Jews. I concluded that the left/right distinction wasn't very useful and that insofar as it was, the extreme ends curved around to meet each other. I guess I'm not quite as weird as I was led to believe...
The Walrus Said
Bingo!
I concluded that the left/right distinction wasn't very useful and that insofar as it was, the extreme ends curved around to meet each other
Bingo! They do indeed. They meet around the back side of tyhe circle in authoritarian-absolutist dictatorville, where the motivation is irrelevant because the methods and results are the same.
Exactly. At that point, one ceases to care why families are
killed, disidents are being silenced, or why pogroms and purges are being carried out. All that the victims of dictatorial regimes can see are rivers upon rivers of blood and misery.
"In the world you will find tribulation, but be of good cheer, for I have overcome the world."
John 16:33
Ron Paul too extreme?
I disagree on two points--one that an extreme candidate is un-electable, and two that an extreme president would be bad for the nation.
For whatever credence it's worth, several odds makers have posited that Ron Paul would be one of the strongest Republican challengers to Barak or Hillary. This could be because he has stronger anti-war non-interventionist credentials. Could also be due to his more forthright and direct demeanor (and fewer skeletons for swift boaters to exploit). Further, Ron Paul has broad appeal from all parts of the political spectrum (my meet-up group is only about half republicans). He can debate with the best of them on the substantive terms that will arrive with the general election campaign.
Second, is is true that among the groupspeaking cadre of presidential hopefuls Ron Paul stands out as the most different and extreme. Would this be bad for the country? I doubt it. Even a heavy ballast does not keep a large ship from tilting. A strong President with an extreme agenda can do only so much in the realm of policymaking, with the bulk left to Congress' whim.
His greatest immediate impact would be in the area of foreign policy, where many reasonable minds can differ but the reality is that we cannot fiscally afford a continuation of the present course. Diplomats, cultural emmissaries and intelligence operatives cost way less than soldiers and air missions--and Ron Paul is on record promising to replace the latter with many more of the former.
As to the size of government, Ron Paul could wield the veto and force Congress and the nation to think harder before further enlarging the government or continuing its bloated programs. That could not be a bad thing, right--to actually force a reasoned debate on critical decisions?
Perhaps most importantly, a Ron Paul presidency would give us 4-8 years of something we haven't had in a long time--a transparent and informed executive branch. We probably all agree that a perfectly constitutional government is not ideal in this day and age, but it would be a dramatic move in the right direction if our President could actually lead us in thought instead of forcing their will upon us with lies and red herrings.
We the growing many are supporting and voting for Ron Paul. What risk do you have in joining us, if he's such a longshot?
Update by Pat: edited to show a more recent timestamp, so the comment will show up in the recent comments block. Pacer, thanks for your post, and please consider becoming a registered user; your comments will then show up immediately. We have to moderate comments from unregistered users because of problems with spam.
I disagree!
You seemed to underplay the current situation we are in presently. If there is to be any revolution it must break out of the mainstream, and scare people. Americans do not even know how to question their teachers appropriately let alone their government. This is due to the abolishment of logic and rational faculties. I would ask how you "the writer of the article" has stepped out of the mainstream, for i highly doubt that--people boast that they are individuals when they can provide no method to become one. Ron Paul is a REAL candidate, and that is why people are supporting him. He is the only candidate I have seen in a long while who actually uses logic when going over the issues, does not pull red-herrings, and lives/practices what he preaches--a very rare quality. You seemed to have missed some important issues that are the binding of his campaign. It is not just the war, it is the document which our country was based upon. With limited govt we can still produce and be much a profitable nation. It will not hinder our growth, and you cannot say that the elimination of the income tax does not sound appealing. People are very timid to step far away from this social construct, but I (and apparently an array of others) will take the steps for a revolution...we are in due need of one. I will never choose the better of evils, and this actually gives me reason to vote. I doubt he will win, and even if he does he will be assassinated. It is a great thing to see how many people understand the word, however. And very understandable why most do not.