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Whatever
Pushed for time, I'm just going to repost all-but verbatim the comment I wrote in response to Spencer Ackerman's post about Mukasey, Feingold and FISA, and we'll hash out any wrinkles in the comments if you like.
Let's set aside the obvious point that Feingold is far off base talking about what the Supreme Court held in Youngstown: the court's opinions contain both holding and dicta, but Justice Jackson wrote a concurring opinion in that case, and concurrences (like dissents) are dicta, not holding.
But in any event, the more important issue here is that what you're talking about is not "breaking some laws," Spencer, but conflict of laws. If you have two statutes that are irreconcilably in tension (or, for that matter, a statute and a treaty that can't be reconciled), which prevails? Well, we know the answer to that, that's easy: the last in time rule, leges posteriores priores contrarias abrogant. But there are other kinds of conflict of law, too. The important thing to keep in mind that while the President can't ever violate the law, the law isn't simply what's in the statute book. The Constitution is law, too - that's the central point of Marbury v. Madison and two centuries of judicial review. Remember the Supremacy Clause and what it tells us about what constitutes federal law: "This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof ... shall be the supreme law of the land...." (Emphasis added.) Statutes that aren't made within the bounds of the Constitution are void - that is, Congress can make statutes that aren't law. Which is exactly what happened in Marbury (and numerous cases since): Congress passed a statute, the Judiciary Act, but the statute in part exceeded the scope of Congress' lawmaking power, which meant that that part of the statute wasn't law and thus wasn't enforcible as law.
The argument made by some with regard to FISA - regardless of the argument's merits - is not that the President can break the law, but that to a greater or lesser extent, the FISA statute is not the law, that it exceeds Congress' power vis-a-vis the Article II powers of the President. Now, of course, you can argue with that, and you can make the argument that it's wrong. But make the argument - rejoin the argument actually being made, rather than twisting it for rhetorical effect.
Post facto:
Who can sign? (10/19/07)
Breaking the Law, redux (10/23/07)
Isn't this just semantics?
Isn't this just semantics? I agree with your overall point, but we're not so much talking about a classic conflict of laws as the President taking a relatively broad interpretation of certain vague constitutional powers against a (relatively) clear statute. That is, there must be some limit as there is always a fall-back of "these are within the President's constitutional powers and the constitution trumps" whenever the President does something that is a facial violation of a statute.
I don't think that it's just
I don't think that it's just semantics, to the extent that words have meaning, and there's a reason why the critics choose to phrase their criticisms as they do. The allegation of wrongdoing is more powerful when you assert lawbreaking. I'm not suggesting that the Article II argument is a slam dunk -- I've said more than once that the question of inherent executive power is one of the hardest question questions in real conlaw -- or that the David Addingtons and John Yoos are correct, I'm simply pointing out the misrepresentation of the argument. No one thinks that the President is above the law, the question is what the law is, and it's unhelpful when folks like Ackerman to so flagrantly misrepresent the issue. If the argument is wrong, mount the counterargument, or just say you disagree, but don't misrepresent the argument in the hope your audience won't think about it too much.
I don't see it as semantics
When the Executive disagrees with Congress does it have to challenge the statute (or its parts) in court?
Do you think the new variant of the First will be ruled unconstitutional?
You mean the thing that
You mean the thing that Tully posted about? I've not read it, but in the abstract, I doubt it. I guess you could ridicule the concept of strict construction to the extent that strictly construed, the First Amendment wouldn't permit greater protection of reporters because it says "no law" not "no law that persecutes" or what have you, but my feeling would be that a law that accords modestly heightened protections to journalists is unlikely to fall afoul of the first amendment.
I don't think the executive has to go to court, and it seems possible to me (at first glance) that they wouldn't have standing to do so anyway. I can't think of any case where the executive branch has ever sued the legislative branch, it sounds almost comical! Depending on how serious the flaw was, you'd either veto it or issue a signing statement, I suppose, and let the courts get involved through independent lawsuits if at all.
I agree. Obviously, they
I agree.
Obviously, they didn't change the First. The MSM has worked relentlessly to establish the myth that freedom of the press only applies to the MSM. It doesn't, it's everyone's. And HR 2102EH has major problems well past the thing I griped about. But as law, I don't see anything blatantly unconstitutional about it. Just honestly objectionable in legally establishing a preferred class of "press."
On the First
Well the WH is taking a line against the House Bill. NSA would like reporters to take this course.......
(HT) Secrecy News
"The argument made by some
"The argument made by some with regard to FISA - regardless of the argument's merits - is not that the President can break the law, but that to a greater or lesser extent, the FISA statute is not the law, that it exceeds Congress' power vis-a-vis the Article II powers of the President. Now, of course, you can argue with that, and you can make the argument that it's wrong. But make the argument - rejoin the argument actually being made, rather than twisting it for rhetorical effect."
Fair point, Simon. I do think it's critically important to undermine the Yoo-Addington argument, because as I've argued elsewhere, I think it's utterly false, and has dangerous implications. We do need to make sure we keep things focused on the argument, and not let this become about just Bush, lest supporters of the Yoo argument think we're trying to seek partisan advantage.
"In the world you will find tribulation, but be of good cheer, for I have overcome the world."
John 16:33